The recent calls for liberty from government and corporate oppression have led me to question the balance struck between security and liberty and the eventual outcome of too much liberty. While it is argued that liberty should not be exchanged for increased security, this balancing act is based on a false dichotomy. Let me explain ...
There is one attribute of all TRULY great nations that answers the relevant questions between security and liberty. That attribute is integrity, or honesty to one's self. Integrity naturally leads, also, to outward honesty. Too much liberty granted in a vacuum of integrity leads to the terrible extremes of anarchy. Too little liberty granted in the same vacuum leads to similar extremes of dictatorship. This is because security comes, not from the lack of liberty, but from the bounties of integrity found within a people.
Where integrity reigns, people govern themselves. Then, recognizing the baser instincts of the human nature, set up government to discourage such base instincts with penalties and methods of remuneration to those who those base instincts have harmed. This type of government is naturally a system of justice, based on the rule of law, because nothing else could honestly be said to be equally applicable to all. Justice, and the rule of law follow to the extent that the people have integrity. The law naturally arises form the integrity of the people, from the more godlike instincts of their human nature.
Of necessity, governments must have governors. Integrity among the governors is essential to the security and liberty of the governed. A lack of integrity among the governors tramples on both the security and liberty of the people. Thus, the governed must have the choice in their governors and must chose, with integrity, those governors who have integrity.
This idea leads naturally to a discussion of compromise in politics. Once again, we are faced with a false dichotomy between principles and compromise. Principles and compromise are not opposites. A lack of integrity is what destroys principles. A lack of integrity also destroys compromise. But where integrity reigns, true Principled Compromise flourishes.
Good people, considering the same questions with complete integrity, can differ as to the best answers to those questions. But that same integrity informs them of their fallibility, allowing them to recognize that they could be wrong. Thus, knowing their fallibility they listen carefully to those who differ with them, so that they might understand the truth, even if it differs with the answer they originally recommended. When such people of integrity consider issues they grow more unanimous over time, each giving a little as the truth is made more clear. Eventually, they reach principled compromise.
Is it ever appropriate to vote for "the lesser of two evils"? Will the vote not then always be cast for an evil? I personally have decided that I will never again vote for "the lesser of two evils". But how can this decision be made? The key is to be careful what is called evil. Is not a potential governor that has integrity but differs in opinion with many of the governed infinitely better than a potential governor who says they agree with the governed but don't have integrity? Can the governed ever be sure of what they are getting in the latter case? Can not the governor be persuaded and effect great good in the former case? Thus, the true evil in decisions of voting is from a lack of integrity.
Benjamin Franklin, on the concluded day of the Convention, explained it this way:
"I confess that there are several parts of this constitution which I do not at present approve, but I am not sure I shall never approve them. For having lived long, I have experienced many instances of being obliged by better information, or fuller consideration, to change opinions even on important subjects, which I once thought right, but found to be otherwise. It is therefore that the older I grow, the more apt I am to doubt my own judgment, and to pay more respect to the judgment of others. Most men indeed as well as most sects in Religion, think themselves in possession of all truth, and that wherever others differ from them it is so far error. ..."
"In these sentiments, Sir, I agree to this Constitution with all its faults, if they are such; because I think a general Government necessary for us, and there is no form of Government but what may be a blessing to the people if well administered, and believe farther that this is likely to be well administered for a course of years, and can only end in Despotism, as other forms have done before it, when the people shall become so corrupted as to need despotic Government, being incapable of any other."
"I doubt too whether any other Convention we can obtain, may be able to make a better Constitution. For when you assemble a number of men to have the advantage of their joint wisdom, you inevitably assemble with those men, all their prejudices, their passions, their errors of opinion, their local interests, and their selfish views. From such an assembly can a perfect production be expected? It therefore astonishes me, Sir, to find this system approaching so near to perfection as it does; and I think it will astonish our enemies, who are waiting with confidence to hear that our councils are confounded like those of the Builders of Babel; and that our States are on the point of separation, only to meet hereafter for the purpose of cutting one another's throats."
"Thus I consent, Sir, to this Constitution because I expect no better, and because I am not sure, that it is not the best. The opinions I have had of its errors, I sacrifice to the public good. I have never whispered a syllable of them abroad. Within these walls they were born, and here they shall die."